Raúl Castro: ‘To learn the art of civilized coexistence’

After making a detailed reaffirmation of Cuba’s positions on the hottest issues on the international stage, particularly those affecting Latin America and the Caribbean, that is how President Raúl Castro defined the challenge implied by an eventual normalization of relations with the United States.

As can be inferred from his speech at the Third Summit of the CELAC, held in Costa Rica, Cuba perceives this process in two moments that, although related, have their own specificities: the reestablishment of diplomatic relations and the hopes that those relations may function in a climate of normalcy between the two countries.

The decision to restore diplomatic relations is a political decision announced by both presidents, although now it must be implemented according to the international norms that rule that subject.

In some cases, it’s only a question of complying with purely bureaucratic procedures that involve protocol; in others, they require bilateral norms that must be conciliated by the parties.

To reestablish diplomatic relations, the government of the United States has offered to discuss matters such as the number of its representatives in Cuba, their free movement throughout the island, and a lifting of the restrictions to the importations made by its embassy.

Those requests have a background. Because of CIA activity in Cuba, the Cuban government in 1961 demanded the establishment of parity in the number of functionaries of each embassy, limiting to one the maximum of diplomats in place. That condition determined the breakup of diplomatic relations by the U.S.

When an accord was reached in 1977 to set up Interests Sections in each capital, the number established was 10 diplomats each. Later, this figure was made flexible, often without a demand for reciprocity in the number of persons.

Because that was said to be the cause for the breakup in diplomatic relations at that time, it is logical to assume that it will be an issue to discuss during the reestablishment process. Therefore, the Cuban side also asks to discuss the norms that will rule the conduct of those diplomats in Cuba, an issue that has been the source of conflict, even when the limitation of functionaries has been the primary concern.

The free movement of diplomats is an existing limitation in both cases, so we could expect that any accord reached will function under conditions of equality for both countries.

Something similar should occur with the importation of products and equipment for the operation of the embassies, where it is common to establish certain Customs rules that affect both parties. What happens is that the United States on occasion used those prerogatives to import artifacts that did not meet those rules, such as equipment for opposition groups, which is why Cuba established limitations and controls for imported goods.

We Cubans still remember when they tried to flood the island with radios tuned only to the frequency of Radio Martí, the United States’ official anti-Cuba radio station.

To complete the process of reestablishing diplomatic relations, Cuba also demands a solution to the problem of bank accounts for its embassy in the U.S., and the removal of Cuba from the list of countries that sponsor terrorism, something that the U.S. government seems willing to do because — even to them — it is inexplicable to do business with a country that’s included in that list.

The so-called “normalization of relations” is a longer, more complex process. In fact, the hegemonic nature of U.S. foreign policy makes it difficult for anyone to think that any country could establish a “normal” relationship with the U.S. The arrogance it inspires often explains the “diplomatic faux-pas” made by its functionaries, missteps that have not been absent from the current process of negotiation.

For now, President Raúl Castro voiced some indispensable premises to move ahead on that road: the end of the economic, commercial and financial blockade; the return of the U.S. naval base at Guantánamo, a historic demand that precedes the triumph of the Revolution, and one that Obama could take advantage of, to see if he can finally shut down the nefarious prison established there.

Other demands include a halt to the broadcasts of Radio-TV Martí, stations that are neither heard nor seen in Cuba but that constitute a flagrant violation of national sovereignty and international norms. Also, compensation to Cuba for the damages caused by the blockade, a bid countered by the U.S. claim for compensation for the American businesses nationalized in 1961. Of course, Cuba has never refused to make those payments, although the amounts and conditions would be up for discussion.

Raúl Castro mentioned other steps that President Obama can take via executive action, such as the possibility of granting credit; authorizing the use of the dollar in Cuban economic transactions; allowing individual trips by Americans under the “people-to-people contact” license; the possibility of travel by sea between the countries, and the elimination of restrictions to third countries to export to Cuba products that have more than 10 percent U.S. components and the exportation to the U.S. of products that contain Cuban raw materials.

The Cuban president made it clear than none of these demands will be negotiated in the face of U.S. demands that imply interference in the internal affairs of Cuba, or a renunciation of the principles that rule Cuban policy or limit Cuba’s sovereign rights.

He also said that Cuba deems it important that this process continue on a basis of mutual respect and sovereign equality. In reality, he said, it doesn’t help U.S. credibility for the leaders of that country — Obama himself included — to reaffirm their intention to provoke a regime change in Cuba and to speak deceitfully on behalf of the Cuban people, questioning the legitimacy of the very authorities with whom they are dealing.

Raúl Castro conveyed to the Latin American and Caribbean leaders Cuba’s gratitude for their solidarity and evaluated the recent achievements as a vindication of Our America. Maybe out of courtesy toward the U.S. leaders, he didn’t say something that he rightly could have said:

“Whatever course developments may take, we are in the presence of the first great diplomatic victory of Latin American and Caribbean integration over the policies of the United States.”

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