The real confrontation begins now

A
separatist referendum in Santa Cruz

The
real confrontation begins now

By
Eduardo Dimas                                                                     Read Spanish Version

No
sooner had the voting ended in the Bolivian department of Santa Cruz
than the local television network, UNITEL, announced with full
fanfare that the pro-autonomy side had won the referendum with 85
percent of the votes.

However,
in a speech to the Bolivian people from the presidential palace in La
Paz, Evo Morales told the people that the referendum had failed,
because 39 percent of the population abstained, while 11 percent of
the votes were nullified.

In
the 2006 referendum, only 17 percent abstained from voting, which
might mean that the number of Santa Cruzans who do not want autonomy
and secession grew by 22 percent in only two years.

If
that is so, Evo is right. What’s more interesting is that most of the
international media echoed UNITEL’s proclamation without waiting for
the final results.

Another
remarkable development is that, when reporting the episodes of
violence that occurred — not many, if we consider what was at issue
— most of the press reflected only those incidents provoked by the
opponents of the referendum.

According
to those media, the so-called Cruzan Civic Youth remained passive.
But other media reported attacks by those fascist groups against
peaceful demonstrations staged by the opposition. As of Sunday night,
three people had died, 18 were wounded and 40 were arrested. The
reports do not identify them by political bent.

So,
everything seems to indicate that the victory obtained by the Santa
Cruzan oligarchy, supported by other oligarchs nationwide and the
United States Embassy, is not as overwhelming as expected. Not even
with the distribution of ballots marked YES in advance. In other
words, not even through fraud.

Needless
to say, the oligarchy is not going to admit that. UNITEL has already
announced that 85 percent voted YES. Never mind that, in reality,
only 50 percent of the voters — little more than 1 million people —
support separation. Acknowledging that percentage would be accepting
the failure of a presumptuous, illegal and unconstitutional act that
might have pushed Bolivia into a civil war — and still could.

Of
course, the confrontation between the government and the oligarchy
does not end here. Three other autonomy referenda will be held next
month in Pando, Tarija and Beni, the other three departments of
Bolivia’s so-called Half Moon region. Those provinces, as well as
Cochabamba, are dominated by prefects who represent the oligarchy and
refuse to accept Evo Morales’ authority.

And
even though it’s "in bad taste" to talk about class
struggle, it is evident that the process now ongoing in Bolivia must
be called just that — classism. While the referendum went on in
Santa Cruz, tens of thousands of Bolivians marched in many cities
against that illegal act.

What’s
at stake in Bolivia is the identity of those who govern the country.
Either the people and the president elected by the majority, or the
racist oligarchy, who have governed since the days of independence to
the detriment of the mostly indigenous population.

Whether
it should be a government that seeks social justice, that has
nationalized part of the country’s natural riches, that has created
new jobs, major health and education programs, and the Dignity Bonus
for people 60 and older, as a way to equitably distribute the wealth.
Or whether it should be a government of the transnational
corporations and the oligarchy that has systematically fleeced the
natural resource and the people. Not by coincidence is Bolivia the
poorest country in South America.

If
that is not class struggle (a struggle for power) what is? Except
that today the class struggle, though still national, also has an
international nature. There is a link between the elite of world
power, led by the United States, and the local elites.

When,
as in the case of Bolivia, the oligarchy loses power, or risks losing
it, it immediately gets the support, the resources and the
organization of at least one sector of the world elite. In this case,
that sector is the United States, joined (according to reports) by
the oligarchies of Brazil and Argentina and, no doubt, the Spanish
right.

Finally,
on other occasions I have commented about the Bolivian Army, which
has staged the most coups in Latin America. Well, in late April, some
media reported about "strange" meetings of high-ranking
Bolivian officers with the principal separatist leaders in Santa
Cruz.

Specifically,
on April 28, the Army’s commander in chief, Gen. Freddy Mackay
Peralta, met in Santa Cruz with the chiefs of the military units
everywhere else in the country. Later, he met with the separatist
leaders.

On
April 29, General Mackay scheduled a Catholic Mass at the Officers’
Club in La Paz. It was attended by about 100 people, among them
military officers and civilians connected with the opposition group
Podemos
(We
Can), such as Senator Oscar Ortiz of Santa Cruz and Jorge Tuto
Quiroga, former president of Bolivia and leader of Podemos,
a group that promotes the secession of the four Half Moon
departments.

Some
media said it was the prelude to a coup d’état against Evo
Morales, under the pretext that he had been "incapable" of
preventing the referendum in Santa Cruz and preventing the country’s
division. On April 30, Evo announced that a plot leading to a coup
d’état had been hatched by high-ranking active and reserve
officers.

Later,
he met with all the high-ranking officers of the armed forces and
told them about the coup plans made for May 1. Needless to say, all
the officers present, including Mackay, denied any links to any of
those plans and restated their fidelity to the Constitution and the
president.

On
May 1, Evo announced new economic measures that favor the poor people
and strengthen Bolivia’s independence and sovereignty. Apparently,
one of the objectives of the coup was to reverse those measures. The
officers did not achieve this. But let us not forget that this is not
the first time that Evo forestalls a military coup before it happens.

It
is evident that, despite the failure of the referendum on autonomy,
the oligarchy and its allies will do all they can to remove Evo
Morales from power. The next several weeks will be filled with
tension and will be the time to keep the oligarchs and the United
States from accomplishing their plots.

Because
of its economic and sociocultural characteristics, Bolivia is the
weakest link in the chain of countries that have said NO to
neoliberalism and have initiated a campaign of social justice. To
terminate Evo Morales’ administration, no matter what the cost in
blood and suffering, would be a major achievement for the Empire and
the right-wing forces of Latin America.

It
would also impart a harsh blow to the process of integration
unfolding in Latin America. To prevent Morales’ ouster is the duty
not only of Bolivians and their government, but also of all the
progressive, anti-neoliberal and anti-racist forces of the world. If
the elites of power come together to defend their interests, why
should not the people come together to defend theirs? I invite you to
meditate.