Cuba

By Saul Landau and Nelson Valdes                                       Read Spanish Version

Cuban
leaders have begun a reform process — combining certain ministries,
opening up more farming possibilities and decentralizing certain
functions. They have not given clear signals as to what model will
emerge. The government appears determined to following the familiar
path of pragmatic and cautious approaches to problems that have
arisen over five decades, especially those aggravated because of the
1991 Soviet collapse. As the October 2009 Communist Party Congress
grows nearer, the results of discussions throughout the country, the
Party may add new wrinkles in Cuba’s half century quest to build a
just system. Do not expect Cuba to abandon meaningful socialism.

Beginning
with their 1959 revolutionary triumph, Cuban leaders have weaved a
unique approach to social change. Western media has ignored that
Cuba’s government has operated through consensus. Indeed, western
reporters refer to Castro’s dictatorship as if such a concept was
axiomatic.

Rather,
under Fidel — a master of consensus politics — a collective
leadership had to remove the old order and replace it with a just
society, a Herculean task that one man could not do alone! To make
their own system, Cubans faced the wrath of their former elites and
the fury of a northern neighbor. Fifty years later, U.S. officials
still froth at the mouth at Cuba’s audacious disobedience, Raul
Castro and partners, including significant numbers of younger people,
address a new formidable adventure: building sensible socialism on
one island.

Raul
acknowledged this on July 26, as he commemorated past successes and
referred to needs for more reforms. Perpetual U.S. aggression placed
Cuba into a national security mentality, but Cuban leaders can blame
U.S. hostility for only some of their problems. Moncada, Sierra and
Underground veterans can indeed boast of accomplishing their historic
goals.

In
1959, after waging numerous wars and uprisings since the 1860s,
Cubans won independence. Cuba then defended its revolution against
U.S. belligerence while simultaneously establishing an egalitarian
system based on rights — to eat, have housing, medical care,
education, etc… As gravy over their meat of success, Cubans danced
— and still do — on the world stage: liberators of parts of Africa,
slayers of the Monroe Doctrine, purveyors of emergency medical teams
providing vital services to Pakistanis, Hondurans and others who
suffered from natural disasters. Cuban eye specialists have saved the
vision of countless third world people. Cuban artists, athletes and
scientists have etched their names on the honor roles of talent
throughout the world. And Fidel ranks as one of the 20th Century’s
great leaders. When he would enter international public spaces, even
some of his ideological opponents applauded — because of the respect
he gained by courageously challenging U.S. dictates.

The
U.S. media does not report on Cuba. It provides silly coverage of
peripheral issues such as posing the Cuba issue as Fidel v. Raul. The
story typifies rumor-based U.S. journalism on Cuba. Ironically, the
“superior” U.S. press dismisses Cuban media as non-objective.

In
a July 31, 2008, New York Times story, reporter Marc Lacey assumed
the posture of cosmic knowledge. Lacy sneers at Fidel for having
“left the country in economic disarray.” Funny, when did the NY
Times refer to U.S. economic disarray as millions suffer pains of
unemployment, or devastating sub-prime mortgage madness; 50 million
Americans lack access to health care or safety nets! Nor does one
find references to “disarray” in rare stories about Honduras, sub
Saharan Africa and other third world nations where majorities lack
food, education and health care.

Instead
of expressing amazement over Cuba’s role in shaping history, and
affording millions of its citizens a chance to participate in events,
despite their daily hardships, Lacey focuses on “the odd dynamic”
between Raul and Fidel. Ahem! The two brothers have been partners in
key decisions since they attacked Moncada in July 1953. Moreover, in
2005, Fidel reminded the Party to change all that needed change.

The
Party has not changed enough, however, to satisfy disaffected Cubans,
those unimpressed by past accomplishments. “What do past glories
have with to do with the uncertainty of daily life?” they ask.
Possessing quality education, high skill levels and good health, they
feel they deserve good jobs. Indeed, their entire school experience
from day care through doctorates has taught them self esteem and
stimulated them to expect the best. But quality jobs are scarce on
the island — and in most third world countries. Several Cubans in
their 20s and 30s offered glazed looks to references of the
revolution’s accomplishments and replied: “I don’t see much
future for myself here.” Yes, a qualified Engineer can feel
frustrated making pizzas eight hours a day. Frustration can also lead
some to become oblivious to the outside conditions that affect their
lives. Cuba exists within the larger globalized corporate economy,
possesses limited resources, and remains victim of a seemingly
eternal U.S. super embargo.

So
thousands leave. The U.S. government, bound by Treaty to authorize
20,000 residence visas annually, delivers many fewer. Yet, neither
the Clinton nor Bush Administration tried to get it repealed. Thus
smugglers — not from the island — drool over their profits (about
$15,000 per person)
and some Cubans die at sea. These human traffickers took some 6,000
persons to Mexico between October 2007 and April 2008. Three thousand
more landed in South Florida between last October 2007 and July 2008.
The Coast Guard intercepted 1,700 others before they reached the U.S.
Such migration occurs because of the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act,
allowing Cubans — and no one else — to enter the United States.
This law undercuts the formal visa process, in which consular
officials vet the applicants.

After
Washington imposed an embargo in 1962, Cuba issued libretas,
ration books in an attempt to assure equality of distribution and a
safety net, similar to British policy during World War II. During the
“Special Period,” the State lacked sufficient goods to meet its
obligations and the U.S. tightened the embargo to further squeeze
Cuba’s economy. People began hustling to obtain food. To do so,
they broke the law by buying and selling illegally and stealing from
the state. Such a situation logically dampened morale.

Cuba’s
problems go beyond sagging commitment. This year, the government
announced a dramatic shortage of teachers — 8,000 officially partly
due to insufficient salary incentives. Fidel, writing from his
convalescence, appealed to Cubans to understand such news in a proper
context. "We don’t become discouraged by the news of enemies,
who twist the meaning of our words and present our self-criticism as
tragedies," he wrote in Granma, Cuba’s official newspaper.
Compare Cuba’s education to systems in the United States "and
other rich countries,” he urged readers. “They have, yes, many
more automobiles, use more gasoline, consume many more drugs, buy
more costume jewelry and benefit from the looting of our people, as
they have for centuries."

Teacher
shortages paled in comparison, however, to the performance of Cuban
agriculture. Last year the government had to import more than 70% of
the food offered through the libreta.
Cuba now “exports” highly educated graduates, a judicious means
to offer educational and technical assistance to needy countries and
at times generate income as well.

Over
the past two years, Cuba has begun to restructure its energy sector,
refurbishing its electrical grid and introducing energy saving
programs from light bulb replacement to obtain efficiency to
producing solar energy and increasing public awareness on the issue.
Imaginative urban agriculture and organic farming experiments have
spread in an attempt to become more self sufficient. Changes in land
usage also respond to discouraging levels of food production. The
shift includes offering existing and perspective farmers clear
material incentives,
while
eliminating cumbersome bureaucratic procedures.

Labor
productivity, which should rank high given Cuba’s levels of
education and skill, had sunk to disappointing levels. Inside the
Cuban labor movement, healthy dialogue has begun to bring unions more
into coincidence with current grievances. This process began earlier
when Fidel, in 1987, referred to the prevailing “chapuceria”
in the work place, sloppy and unfinished work, which sapped economic
and moral strength.

Fidel
taught Cubans to understand their entitlements, which meant they had
the right to expect the state to meet these rights. Younger
generations, however, don’t seem to recognize the State’s severe
material limitations, nor are they impressed by Cuba’s egalitarian
distribution of its less than sufficient wealth. They complain
because the government doesn’t meet their childhood expectations.
Cuban television rebroadcasts shows like Desperate Housewives, so
Cubans see Americans with plasma TVs; not daily scenes of road rage
and Americans going postal. TV and visiting Americans throw
extravagant consumerism in the face of some Cubans,

Raul
has talked about educating people to Cuba’s real possibilities and
about decentralizing to increase efficiency and accountability. Raul
— meaning the majority inside the Party apparatus — also called for
diverse opinions inside the Party to address what many perceived as a
paucity of dialogue. Communist Party leaders understand the need to
build a sensible socialism.

The
United States remains a constant security threat, which places limits
on their imaginations. Indeed, Bush’s aggressive, impulsive shadow
will loom until January 2009. Cuban leaders will move slowly,
prudently and with grass roots participation. They don’t want to
provide any excuse for a Bush “surprise.”

Saul
Landau is an Institute for Policy Studies fellow. Nelson Valdes is
Professor Emeritus at the University of New Mexico.